CHALDEAN RECORDS ALSO EXCLUDE ANY RECORD OF MECCA DURING THE 7TH AND 6TH CENTURIES B.C.The Chaldeans were people of Arabian origin who settled in the region of Babylonia. After the death of Assurbanipal, the Chaldean, Nabopolassar, the ruler of Babylonia, established his independence in 625 B.C. Nabopolassar occupied the Assyrian provinces and destroyed Nineveh in the year 605 B.C. with the help of Manda, a nomad tribe from Kurdistan, which many scholars identify with the Medes. The Assyrian dynasty of Harran asked for help from Pharaoh Necho II, the ruler of Egypt who controlled Syria at that time. Nabopolassar placed his son, Nebuchadnezzar, in command of the Babylonian army. They encountered and defeated the Egyptians in the old Hittite city of Carchemish in 604 B.C. When Nebuchadnezzar heard that his father had died, he returned to Babylonia and became the king of one of the most powerful empires in the Middle East. In 586 B.C., Nebuchadnezzar occupied and destroyed Jerusalem, forcing the Jews into exile.
When Nebuchadnezzar ruled the Chaldeans, he fought many wars with Arab countries. Information regarding the Chaldean period can be found in the Babylonian Chronicles, as well as other resources. According to the Babylonian Chronicles, Nebuchadnezzar raided the Arabs several times between 599-598 B.C. The echo of such raids was recorded in the Bible by the prophet Jeremiah. In Jeremiah 49: 28, he writes:
Concerning Qedar, and concerning the kingdoms of Hazor which Nebuchadnezzar the King of Babylon shall smite, thus says the Lord: " Arise and go to Qedar'"
Another of Nebuchadnezzar's raids is confirmed in the apocryphal book of Judith, which was written in the 4th century B.C. In the second chapter of that book, Midian is mentioned among the tribes. It says:
he compassed about all the children of Midian and set on fire their tents, and spoiled their sheepcotes.[72]
Some scholars think that Nebuchadnezzar reached further than Midian, all the way to Teima.[73]
The last king of Babylonia was Nabonidus. We already have dealt, in part, with the campaigns Nabonidus waged in Arabia. He reigned from 556-539 B.C., and occupied the Arabian city of Teima, to which he transferred his residency. Nabonidus was from Harran. His mother, Addagoppe, who was a priestess of the god-moon, Sin, had a special relationship with Nebuchadnezzar. It is thought that this is the reason Nabonidus ascended to the throne of Babylon after Nebuchadnezzar's grandson, Labasi-Marduk, had been killed in his palace as a result of a conspiracy.
Addagoppe was born in 649 B.C., lived for 102 years, and died around 547 B.C. From Nabonidus' Inscriptions, we learn that Addagoppe was mourned as a great queen. This incident, along with other details, supports the idea that she was married to Nebuchadnezzar.
The Inscriptions of Harran mention that Addagoppe was brought to the Babylonian court around 610 B.C., where she became very influential. When Labasi-Marduk was assassinated, and the throne became empty, she found herself in the position to name a successor, largely due to her status as the widow of Nebuchadnezzar. She replaced Labasi-Marduk with her son, Nabonidus. Some scholars believe that Nabonidus was married to the daughter of Nebuchadnezzar. If so, Nebuchad-nezzar would have been a stepfather to Nabonidus and step-grandfather to Nabonidus' son, Belshazzar; and, perhaps, the father-in-law of Nabonidus, as well. Belshazzar and his father would have been considered members of the family of the great King Nebuchadnezzar. This justifies their ascensions to the throne of Babylonia.
Nabonidus, who controlled north and central western Arabia, including the area where Mecca was eventually built, mentioned all the cities there, but he did not mention Mecca.Nabonidus left the affairs of the kingdom to his son, Belshazzar, and traveled in Arabia to control north and central western Arabia. He marched toward Edom in southern Jordan, and then to Teima. He killed the king of Teima, subdued the inhabitants, and built a royal palace for himself. After establishing himself in Teima, Nabonidus launched campaigns to ensure his control over all northern and central western Arabia. He eventually occupied the cities of Dedan, Fadak, Khaybar, Yadi, and Yathrib, which is also called al-Medina. (See Fig. 4.)
Inscriptions which date back to the 6th century B.C. were found in Teima. These inscriptions describe wars between Teima and Dedan.[74] This may suggest that people of Teima were used by Nabonidus in his campaigns against Dedan and other cities in the region. Historians believe cities like Khaybar and Yathrib were most probably built during the 6th century B.C. The city of Qedar, prior to the time of Nabonidus, had been subdued by Nebuchadnezzar. Thus, Nabonidus eventually controlled all the existing cities in the area. He controlled all the routes which branch from Medina to the north with the cities of Yathrib, Teima and Dedan; to the east with the city of Yathrib-Hail; and to the south of Yathrib, which is only 200 miles from where Mecca was built.[75]
Since Nabonidus wished to control the whole area, Mecca would have been one of his main goals, if it had existed then. Nabonidus was in the area a long time. His military activity was more than one campaign lasting a few days or months. Nabonidus traveled the area for ten years. All north and central western Arabia was his province. He was there so long that he couldn't have missed Mecca, if it were there at the time.
We see that Mecca is not mentioned at any time during the Chaldean period, even when Nabonidus made all of northern and central western Arabia, which included the area where Mecca was eventually built, into another province of his empire. This is significant, because cities that would have been less important than Mecca were mentioned as part of this province, but Mecca was not mentioned.
THE MISSING MERCHANTS OF MECCAWhile the merchants of the Arabian routes were discussed in many places, no merchant from Mecca is ever mentioned.Not only is Mecca absent from all the military campaign records during the Chaldean period, but it is also missing from the records of trading activity. Trade was important to the Babylonians as early as the 6th century B.C. We know that there was an increase in trade along the Arabian land routes to the Fertile Crescent. Babylonian records reflect increased trade activity and Babylon's relationship with Arabian merchants, but these records don't mention Mecca. Arab merchants were known for their trade with the Babylonians. The records show Nabonidus sending a letter to one of his assistants, instructing him to give an Arabic merchant of the tribe of Thamud (Te-mu-da-a Ar-ba-a-a) several talents of silver.[76]
Some documents before Nabonidus show people arriving from Teima in Babylonia, mainly as merchants. Other documents also mention the Qedarites. Travelers from Teima also appear in the Assyrian and Babylonian records. One example is a letter mentioning Am-me-ni-ilu tamkaru Te-ma-a-a, and his journey to the King of Babylonia.[77] Yet, in all these records, we see no one coming from Mecca. If Mecca had existed during the Chaldean period, it indeed would be strange not to have been listed in the Chaldean trade records of the time, especially since other cities on the northern and central western Arabian spice route were recorded as a testimony to their trade activity. The fact of the matter is that, in all historical documents, we do not see a merchant of Mecca in any place in the Middle East, while the trace of merchants of cities of western Arabia are found even as far away as Sinai. In Sinai, for example, inscriptions have been found identifying merchants belonging to the Thamud tribe. We also find Minaean merchants in various epochs traveling to the Fertile Crescent. The Minaean merchants were also involved in trade with Egypt in the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. There has been a sarcophagus found of a Minaean merchant who supplied the Egyptian temples with incense.[78] Minaean inscriptions found in Memphis, Egypt and Delos give us more activities of Minaean merchants.[79] Minaean and Dedanite inscriptions in Jordan reflect the activity of their merchants in the Fertile Crescent.[80] Saba merchants are mentioned in the book of Job, around the 9th through 7th centuries B.C. These merchants were traveling in the area of Palestine. Inscriptions telling us about Sabaean merchants were found in northeastern Arabia.[81] Scholars confirm the presence of Sabaeans near Yathrib, also called Medina, in a place called Wady ash Sheba, which means the Valley of Saba. There is also a village named in a Greek inscription as "Pool of the Sabaeans." [82]
With all these trade records, it is unreasonable to suggest that Mecca had existed since the time of Abraham, and was located on an ancient trading route. No archaeological or documented testimony is found anywhere which refers to even one merchant from Mecca. Yet, each kingdom and city on the same land route has many well-documented testimonies of its trade, including in places where it used to trade, or in places the caravan used to pass through. All the historical facts we have tell us that Mecca could not have existed prior to the Christian era. We hold our Muslim friends in high regard, but it is time for them to see that they have been taught a serious mistruth.
Footnotes etc. at link
http://religionresearchinstitute.org/mecca/archeology.htm[1] James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 131
[2] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, page 135
[3] Rabinowitz, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15 (1956),1-9, pls.6-7, quoted by K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, page 169
[4] Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, Toronto, 1970, 50 f., 115-117 quoted by K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994), page 169
[5] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, page 237
[6] James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 138
[7] F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, University of Toronto Press, 1970, page 104
[8] F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, page 103
[9] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, page 237
[10] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, pages 170-175;238
[11] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, pages 175-180; 238
[12] C.Robin, Inventair des Inscriptions Sudarabiques, 1ff. Paris/Rome, 1992 ff.1, 67-68, Haram 3 & 4; Repertoire d'Epigraphie Semitique, esp.V-VIII, Paris, 1929-1968, 2751/M.15; quoted by K.A. Kitchen, page 180
[13] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, pages 181; 239
[14] C.Robin, Inventair des Inscriptions Sudarabiques, 1ff. Paris/Rome, 1992 ff.,1, 5-6, pls.2b,3a; Inabba; quoted by K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, page 181; see also K.A. Kitchen, page 239
[15] Private building-dedication, al-Harashif 3 (C.Robin, Inventair des Inscriptions Sudarabiques,1ff. Paris/Rome, 1992 ff., 1, 200-201, pl.59b); quoted by K.A. Kitchen, page 182
[16] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, pages 181, 182; see also K.A. Kitchen, page 239
[17] Comptes-rendus de l'académie des Inscriptions et Belleslettres, 1992, 68; cf.C.Robin in Robin(ed.), L'Arabie Antique de Karib'il à Mahomet, Aix-en-Provence, 1993,55,128, fig.20; quoted by K.A. Kitchen, page 183
[18] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, pages 181, 182; see also K.A. Kitchen, page 240
[19] K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, pages 181, 182; see also K.A. Kitchen, pages 183-188
[20] See K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, pages 181, 182; see also K.A. Kitchen, pages 90-222
[21] A.Jamme, W.F., Sabaean Inscriptions from Mahram Bilqis (Ma'rib), the Johns Hopkins Press,Baltimore, 1962, Volume III, page 137
[22] A.Jamme, W.F., Sabaean Inscriptions from Mahram Bilqis (Ma'rib), the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1962, Volume III, page 169
[23] R.W. Ehrich, Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, 3rd Edition, I-II, Chicago, 1992, I, pages 67-68; see also D.T. Potts, Dilmun, New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain, (BBVO2), Berlin, 1983, quoted by K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, page 145
[24] J.B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, Princeton, 268
[25] Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, pages 35-39, cited by Wilfred Schoff on his comment on The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Munshiram Manoharial Publishers Pvt Ltd., 1995, page 134
[26] Halevy, nos.190, 231-234 ; Hommel, Chrestomathie, page 117; Hartmann, Die arabische Frage, pp. 206: cited by James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 182
[27] A. Irvine, Journal of Semitic Studies 10, (1965), pages 178-196; A.F.L.Beeston, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 17 ( 1987), pages 5-12; quoted by K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, page 39
[28] James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 138
[29] F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, University of Toronto Press, 1970, page 75
[30] Revue Biblique, 43( 1934) pp.578-9 and 590-1; quoted by
F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, University of Toronto Press, 1970, page 75
[31] F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, page 130
[32] The Geography of Strabo, Book XVI .4.23
The Geography of Strabo, Volume V, Harvard University Press, 1966, page 357
[33] The Geography of Strabo, Book XVI .4.24
The Geography of Strabo, Volume V, page 359
[34] The Geography of Strabo, Book XVI. 4 . 24
The Geography of Strabo, Volume V, page 363
[35] The Geography of Strabo, Book XVI .4.23
The Geography of Strabo, Volume VII, page 357
[36] Pliny XII, 44
[37] D. H. Mullar in his article Yemen, Encyclopaedia Brittanic, 9th edition;
Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam in Der alte Orient, III, Leipzig, 1901; cited by Wilfred Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Munshiram Manoharial Publishers Pvt Ltd., 1995, page 109
[38] See I. Eph’al, E.J.Brill, The Ancient Arabs, Leiden, 1982, page 161, note 161
[39] For “Verse Account of Nabonidus,†see Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J.B. Pritchard, 2nd edition, Princeton, 1955, page 313; Sidney Smith, Babylonian Historical Texts, London, 1924, Chapter III, pp. 27-97 ;quoted by F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, University of Toronto Press, 1970, page 89
[40] See C.J. Gadd “The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus,†Anatolian Studies, 8 ( 1958) page 59; cited by F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, University of Toronto Press, 1970, page 91; The exact part in the Harran Inscriptions is (Nab. H2 I 26; ii 11) see I. Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, 180
[41]The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 33;The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Translated by Wilfred Schoff, Munshiram Manoharial Publishers Pvt Ltd, 1995, page 35
[42] Wilfred Schoff, in his introduction to The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, page 16
[43] Hirschfeld, New Researches, 6. Frankel, Aramaisch. Fremdworter; quoted by De Lacy O’Leary, Arabia before Muhammed, D.D., London, New York: Dutton & CO., 1927, page 181
[44] De Lacy O’Leary, Arabia Before Muhammed, page 19
[45] Tarikh al-Tabari, I, page 360
[46] P. Michalowski, Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 40 (1988), pages 156-164; citation, p. 163; cited by K.A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia, Part I, Liverpool University Press, 1994, page 159
[47] Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, I, Chicago, page 223 ; Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testaments, page 296; Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, edition 6, 1933, page 457; cited by Arabia and the Bible, James Montgomery, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 58
[48] A.C. Piepkorn, Historical Prism of Assurbanipal, Chicago-USA, 1933, pages 19-20
[49] Saggs, Iraq 17, ( 1955), pages 142-143; Von Soden, Orientalia 35, (1966), page 20; cited by I. Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1982, page 94
[50] P. Rost, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat-Pilesers III, Leipzig, 1893, pages 150-170; quoted by I. Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, page 82
[51] The Ancient Arabs, I. Eph’al, page 36
[52] Winnett, Safaitic Inscriptions from Jordan, 1957, Nos. 87, 237
[53] Pliny, Natural History, book VI, Chapter 32
[54] Sawyer John and Clines David, Midian, Moab and Edom, JSOT Press , Department of Biblical Studies, University of Sheffield, 1984, page 101
[55] Luckenbil, op. cit., vol. II, 7; Rogers, op. cit., page 331; Barton, op. cit., page 463; quoted by James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, page 59
[56] Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, Book vi, chapter VII, translated by Stevenson, Dover Publications, 1991, page 139
[57] Herodotus II, page 141
[58] Tablet of the British Museum, 103,000 vn 96-viii 1(Luckenbill, Sennacherib, 113); quoted by I. Eph’al, E.J. Brill, The Ancient Arabs, page 41
[59] Luckenbill, Records of Assyria II. 551.
[60] One such example is the Cylinder inscriptions found in the city of Nimrud, the most important of which is called Klch. A; there is also an inscription called "Trb.A- a," cylinder inscription from Tarisu (see E. Nassouhi, Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft, III, 1-2, (1927), pages 22-28; quoted by , I. Eph’al, page 45
[61] Inscriptions from Nineveh (K 3082+ K 3086+ Sm 2027); see R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Konigs von Assyrien, Graz 1956, pages 112-113, quoted by I. Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, page 46
[62] Heidel Prism iii, 9-18, quoted by Eph’al, page 130
[63] The Ancient Arabs, I. Eph’al, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1982, page 132
[64] Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Vol. II, page 214
[65]Nin. A.; Heidel Prism iii 21;quoted by Eph'al page 131
[66] Hommel, Ethnologie und Geographie des alten Orients, Munchen, 1926, pages 558-559; quoted by Eph'al.
[67] Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1982, page 137
[68] Luckenbill, op. cit., page 301; Doughty, Arabia Deserta, Volume I, page 51; quoted by Arabia and the Bible, James Montgomery, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 62
[69] Annals of Assurbanipal; R.F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters, I XIV,(London-Chicago, 19140), 350; cited by Eph'al, page 55
[70] A.R. Millard, Iraq ( 1964), cit. 28 ; quoted by
Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, page 154
[71] The Ancient Arabs, I. Eph’al, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1982, page 168
[72] Judith 2:26
[73] Arabia and the Bible, James Montgomery, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 64
[74] Inscriptions found on Jabal Ghunaym, about 10 miles from Teima. See F.V. Winnett and W.L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, University of Toronto Press, 1970, page 29
[75] Harran Inscriptions Nab. H2 I 26 and Nab. H2 I 24-25; quoted by Eph'al, pages 180 and 181
[76] E. Ebeling, Neubabylonnische Briefe, Munchen 1949, No. 276; E.W. Moore, Neo-Babylonian Documents in the University of Michigan Collection, Ann Arbor, 1939, No. 67; cited by I. Eph’al, The Ancient Arabs, page 189
[77] R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters, I, XIV, ( London – Chicago 1892-1914) quoted by Eph'al , page 190
[78] Abdel Monem Sayed, “Reconsideration of the Minaean Inscription of Zayd 'il bin Zayd,†Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, XIV, (1984), pp.93-99; qouted by Stanley Burstein on his comment on Agatharchides of Cnidus, on the Erythraean Sea, The Hakluyt Society London, 1989, page 149
[79] Memphis text was published by Rhodokanakis in Zeitschr.f.Semitistik, II, (1924), 113 ff; cited by James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 135; there is a dedication by two merchants of Main to the god Wadd on Delos, see Felix Durrbach, ed., Choix d'Inscriptions de Delos, (Paris, 1921-1922), page 129; cited by Stanley Burstein on his comment on Agatharchides of Cnidus, on the Erythraean Sea, page 150;
[80] See David Graf, Dedanite and Minaean (South Arabia) Inscriptions from the Hisma', Annual of the Department of Antiqueties, XXVII (Amman-Jordan, 1983,) pp. 563-5; cited by Stanley Burstein on his comment on Agatharchides of Cnidus, on the Erythraean Sea, page 149
[81] Two inscriptions were found at Taj in Kuweit, Geog. Journal, 1922, page 59; cited by James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, page 166
[82] A village named in a Greek inscription as " Pool of the Sabaeans " of Leja, Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie, page 10; quoted by James Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1934, page 181